Introduction

I first visited the Chipinge rural district, in Zimbabwe, in 2012 to investigate the outcomes of rural land grabs following Green Fuel’s establishment of an ethanol plant in Chisumbanje in 2008. The pressures of climate change prompted some local authorities and private entities, such as Green Fuel, to pursue land for large-scale agricultural projects under the guise of development. The global food price crisis of 2007–2008 and the ensuing financial turmoil increased these pressures. The projects that emerged from land deals involving the state and private capital often displaced local communities, forcing them from their ancestral lands without adequate compensation or alternative arrangements.

The government, acting through the Chipinge Rural District Council (CRDC), actively facilitated Green Fuel’s access to communal land for sugarcane production. While resisting the evictions, the displaced communities were still hopeful that they would return to their communal lands. However, the land conflict evolved over the years, with several government departments competing to “reclaim” lands previously ceded for rural settlement. For instance, the CRDC's urbanisation initiatives involved appropriating communal lands for development projects, such as housing or commercial ventures.  The affected communities expanded to other wards such as Mahachi, Kondo, Munyokowere, Ndiyadzo, and Green Valley. Owen Dhliwayo states that ongoing land conflicts affect “16 out of the 30 rural wards in Chipinge district.”

This essay explores the complex interplay between climate change, land governance, and migration in Chipinge Rural District, Zimbabwe. The research focuses on migration as a coping mechanism for rural smallholders facing the combined pressures of meteorological and ecological changes and land dispossession. The study will explore how these interwoven pressures drive migration patterns in Chipinge and their broader impact on rural communities. The interplay of climate change and land governance issues in Zimbabwe underscores the need for comprehensive and context-specific solutions.

Land grabs and displacement in Chipinge

Green Fuel’s ethanol plant in Chisumbanje marked a significant turning point for land relations in Chipinge. This project led to widespread land dispossession among local communities, initially only affecting those in Chisumbanje and Chinyamukwakwa. The loss of ancestral lands often overshadowed the promise of development, resulting in resistance from the affected communities. Villagers have faced legal challenges, with recent court cases highlighting disputes over land ownership and development rights, particularly against the CRDC. This forced displacement disrupted their livelihoods, hindered access to food and water sources, and caused significant social and economic hardship.

Green Fuel’s significant capital investment in the ethanol plant and associated infrastructure prompted the CRDC to revitalise dormant urbanisation plans initially proposed during the late colonial period.  In November 1968, the rogue Rhodesian state set up a quasi-state rural development agency known as the Tribal Trust Land Development Corporation (Tilcor for short), charged with “bringing about [the] economic development of Rhodesia’s tribal [rural] areas.” Tilcor devised a Growth Point Policy around which profitable development ventures could emerge from exploiting agricultural resources for export to the major urban centres. In Chipinge, Tilcor earmarked land in Chisumbanje for a growth point and invested up to R$8 million in its development by the early 1970s. However, the intensification of the liberation war from around 1976 disrupted these plans.

The Transitional National Development Plan (TNDP) of 1982 revived Tilcor’s high-modernist vision for the rural areas of Zimbabwe in the post-independence period. The TNDP wanted to transform rural service and business centres into vibrant economic hubs for rural development. The plan specifically gazetted 1,055 hectares of land in Checheche for a Growth Point. The results were nonetheless poor owing to, among other reasons, inadequate infrastructure, lack of investment, and limited market access. Despite these lessons, Zimbabwe’s grandiose National Development Strategy (NDS) 1 for 2021–2025, issued in November 2020, still regurgitated the same high-modernist strategies around growth points and rural service centres as the panacea to rural development. However, this time round, the government felt that Green Fuel’s investments would lead to the natural growth of urban complexes. Blessing Mamvosha, the CEO of the CRDC, explained:

The coming of Green Fuel’s ethanol plant at Chisumbanje made everyone excited, and we had to plan a new Checheche. [The new plan was that] by [the] end of [the] day, the old and new Checheche ‘city’ shall be 2,203ha in total.

The district’s urbanisation plan aims to transform communal land into urban areas, yet lacks adequate consultation with the affected communities. The CRDC, through the Ministry of Lands, Agriculture, and Rural Resettlement, issued eviction notices to numerous families in several rural wards in Chipinge. The notices stated that:

You are hereby given 90 days’ notice to vacate State Land, Chipinge District, Manicaland Province. You are violating section 3 of the Gazetted Land Act (Consequential Provisions) Act … Failure to vacate on or before this date will result in your arrest or prosecution in terms of the Gazetted Land Act.

Ironically, the Department of Agricultural, Technical and Extension Services (Agritex) officers in the crops and livestock division, whose sole mandate was to train rural smallholders on agricultural-related issues, handed out some of these eviction notices. The appropriation of land traditionally used for agriculture and grazing undermines many families’ livelihoods. Beyond this, the foreboding of possible eviction also disrupts productivity because of the uncertainty it creates.

The Zimbabwean government uses the country’s convoluted land tenure system to evict communal smallholders. The country’s tenure structure includes state land, resettlement land under the Fast Track Land Reform Program, communal and state-owned gazetted forests (run by the Zimbabwe National Parks and Wildlife Management Authority and the Forestry Commission), and rural district council areas. The government’s default policy has been to gazette or de-gazette communal lands for national strategic importance through the Minister of Land Administration. Once the government designates communal lands as of “strategic importance,” smallholders face limited options for land retention.

The legal landscape surrounding land rights in Chipinge is fraught with challenges. However, while there have been victories in court for communities like Kondo, which successfully opposed the CRDC’s urbanisation plans, scepticism remains about their sustainability because of potential political interference and the ongoing threat of dispossession. The communities fear that political elites, rather than social equity considerations, may influence decisions in land disputes, complicating resolution efforts. The perception that land disputes are politically motivated adds complexity to the situation. Likewise, the legal battles highlight the intersection of environmental issues with governance failures in managing land resources.

Map 1: Chipinge District

Map drawn by Hardlife Muhoyi using QGIS.

The Impact of Climate Change on Chipinge

Like many African nations, Zimbabwe is grappling with the effects of climate change, most notably seen through erratic weather patterns and flooding that increasingly threaten the country. Zimbabwe ranks as one of the countries most vulnerable to climate change due to its high poverty levels and overreliance on agriculture. Recurrent droughts and unpredictable rainfall patterns severely impact agricultural production and rural livelihoods. Limited resources, weak infrastructure, and a history of land degradation amplify the country’s vulnerability.

In Chipinge, communities face significant socioeconomic disruptions because of climate change, including loss of livelihoods and food security. Competition for land has intensified as families seek to secure their survival. Recent El Niño-induced droughts have resulted in prolonged periods of dry weather, leading to severe water scarcity and impacting agricultural production. Climate change has, therefore, magnified the vulnerability of Chipinge’s rural communities, which were already struggling with limited resources and access to infrastructure. This has increased food insecurity, malnutrition, and displacement, highlighting the urgent need for targeted interventions and climate change adaptation strategies.

The unpredictable rainfall and prolonged droughts severely affected crop yields in Chipinge, causing many families to face heightened economic insecurity. Guthiga et al. estimate the district’s maize forecast would fall by 64% from 50404 MT in 2023 to just 17916 MT in 2024. Farmers struggled to cope with these challenges, with many experiencing crop failures and significant financial losses. Rising costs associated with obtaining residential stands and land allocation fees imposed by traditional leaders and the CRDC compounded this vulnerability. As families struggled to secure affordable housing amid these economic pressures, conflicts over land became more pronounced, with marginalised groups often bearing the brunt of these challenges.

Map 2: Zimbabwe Drought Exposure (2024)

Source: AKADEMIYA2063

The Interplay of Climate Change and Land Governance

Climate change significantly exacerbates land conflicts in Chipinge, intertwining with land governance challenges to create a complex landscape of disputes. As communities face these agricultural and ecological challenges, they become increasingly vulnerable to displacement, further igniting conflicts over land ownership and usage rights. Because smallholder communities rely heavily on agriculture for their livelihoods, diminishing yields owing to climate effects and land dispossession intensified competition for arable land. The scarcity of arable land escalated tensions between local communities and authorities, primarily as the CRDC’s urbanisation plans encroached on communal lands vital for farming and food security. The rising costs associated with land allocation further exacerbated poverty as families struggled to secure affordable housing while facing pressures from traditional leaders profiting from land sales.

Local populations, particularly women who face specific land access challenges and often experience marginalisation in allocation processes, bear profound socioeconomic implications from these conflicts. Many families became homeless or resorted to unstable, precarious, non-agricultural, or informal livelihoods. The financial burden associated with rising housing costs and land allocation further marginalised these communities, making them more susceptible to the adverse effects of climate change. Some of my informants expressed resentment toward their traditional leaders, who they perceived to be exploiting these tensions to charge high fees for land allocations. Further, the Chipinge communities’ perception that political elites benefit from land dispossession while the local population suffers fuels social discord and complicates efforts to resolve conflicts amicably.

Therefore, climate change has a multiplier effect as it intensifies the challenges posed by land governance issues. Drought, unpredictable rainfall, and land dispossession pose a dual challenge for rural communities. As climate change worsens, these communities’ ability to sustain their livelihoods diminishes, leading to increased migration and social instability. For that reason, the governance structures responsible for managing land conflicts must tackle the underlying issues exacerbated by climate change. This interplay between climate change and land governance highlights the need for integrated policies that address environmental sustainability and equitable land management to support the resilience of rural communities in Chipinge. The rural communities in Chipinge have responded to these exertions through migration, among other coping mechanisms.

Migration as a Coping Mechanism

Migration emerged as a central coping mechanism for residents facing the combined pressures of climate change and land grabs in Chipinge. It allowed individuals to escape the immediate effects of drought, land dispossession, and limited livelihood opportunities. This initial response often involved a move to nearby towns or rural areas with access to resources, seeking temporary employment or assistance from family members.

I interviewed dispossessed villagers in Chinyamukwaka, who had previously farmed on the land Green Fuel seized for their sugarcane plantation. The land grabs heavily impacted this community, forcing many residents to relocate to neighbouring wards and resettle around rural business centres, such as Kondo, seeking alternative livelihoods. Chinyamukwaka is a critical case study for understanding the immediate consequences of land dispossession in rural communities. The interviews in this village provide insights into the challenges those directly displaced face and their strategies to cope with these changes.

When the immediate coping mechanisms proved insufficient and the land conflict prolonged, residents sought opportunities in urban centres beyond Chipinge. These destinations typically offered comparatively better economic stability and access to essential services but presented challenges like job competition, higher living costs, and social integration. Many migrated to urban areas such as Mutare, Harare, and other cities. Internal migration, particularly seasonal movements, allows individuals to seek temporary employment elsewhere while maintaining ties to their home communities. This form of migration helps diversify income sources and reduce immediate consumption needs during agricultural stress.

Aside from internal migration, some residents of Chipinge also moved to neighbouring countries, particularly South Africa. The need for work drives this migration, with many residents seeking employment in industries such as mining, agriculture, and service sectors across the border. For many families who have moved to urban centres or abroad, remittances have become an essential source of income. These remittances help sustain families back in Chipinge, where access to land and the means to earn a living remain limited.

The need for pastoralists to access grazing resources and water, arising from climate change and land dispossession, drives significant transhumance between the Chipinge district in Zimbabwe and Mozambique. This traditional pastoral practice allows herders to adapt to varying climatic conditions and resource availability across borders. During dry seasons or periods of resource scarcity, herders often move their livestock across borders in search of better grazing lands. The porous nature of the Zimbabwe-Mozambique border facilitates a high level of social integration among communities on both sides. Many families have established ties through marriage and kinship, leading to a shared cultural identity that transcends national boundaries. This integration supports continued transhumance practices as communities rely on each other for resources.

The migration trends have led to demographic shifts in Chipinge, with rural depopulation in some areas and the growth of towns as people move in search of better livelihoods. This shift has altered traditional social structures, and younger generations are often less engaged in agricultural work. While migration has relieved some families, the continued land dispossession and lack of sustainable agricultural opportunities have left the district vulnerable to food insecurity, poverty, and underdevelopment. The remaining people often struggle to maintain traditional farming practices due to a lack of resources and economic instability.

Conclusion

Climate change in Chipinge emerges as both the primary driver of land conflicts and a multiplier of the ramifications arising from land dispossession. Climate change and the attendant resource scarcity, as seen in the global food price crises of 2007-2008, drove governments and private capital into land deals, displacing and dislocating rural livelihoods in Chipinge and other parts of Africa. The land deals made it easier to evict smallholders from their land by privatising rural communal land, increasing the economic and social vulnerability of those evicted. The land grabs exacerbated residents’ already pressing challenges due to climate change.

Despite the adverse effects on local livelihoods and food security, local authorities often justify land dispossession under the guise of development. Local authorities in Chipinge frequently prioritise urbanisation and development projects over community rights, resulting in land conflicts. However, the promise of economic benefits from such projects does not compensate for losing land and traditional rights. Decisions about land use usually reflect the interests of political elites rather than the needs of vulnerable communities.

The combination of land dispossession and the slow violence of climate change created a complex landscape where migration became a necessary response for survival. Put differently, climate change and land grabbing influenced migration patterns in Chipinge by disrupting livelihoods and forcing communities to adapt through movement. Climate change complicates resource access, compelling individuals to relocate due to the privatisation of their land, thereby heightening their vulnerability and exacerbating social tensions stemming from poor land governance. However, migration tends to provide a fleeting reprieve, as the livelihood strategy is often precarious.